Oil for independence

Kurds, who are taking decisive steps to advance the dream of an independent state nowadays, consider the oil under the areas they control as an essential factor in consolidating Kurdish sovereignty over the region and a chance to rewrite Kurdish history in the region.

Oil has always been central to the Kurdish apriration for international legitimacy. Kurds consider oil a crucial element for international oil trade in the future; therefore, they are struggling over the control of the oil-rich areas in both Syria and Iraq. With a population of around 30 million, Kurds are an ethnic minority group dispersed throughout Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey.

In Syria, there is a fierce fight between the Democratic Union Party (PYD) -- a Syrian offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) -- and other groups over the control of the oil-rich areas. Last year, PYD leader Saleh Muslim Muhammad stated that 60 percent of the oil is controlled and administered by Kurds in Syria. There were even reports saying that the PYD was in talks with Turkey to discuss the export of oil.

In Iraq, Kurds have been in charge of their own affairs since the Gulf War in 1991. Iraqi Kurds run their own autonomous and relatively prosperous region in northern Iraq; furthermore, they have their own army and pursue their own foreign policy. Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is eager to export the oil in their region as they consider it an opportunity to realize their long-held aspirations for independence.

From the other side, as a growing country Turkey desperately needs energy, and the KRG appears to be one of the best options for Turkey's energy needs. The two sides have signed energy deals to further improve economic relations.

However, the biggest risk in this picture is that Turkey's economic ties with the KRG, particularly related to oil, have raised eyebrows in Baghdad. The government has stressed that Turkey should ask the Iraqi government before taking any action in the region that may led to fragmentation in the country.

Beril Dedeoğlu of Galatasaray University told Sunday's Zaman that Turkey would like to see no tension between Baghdad and Arbil over oil, but on the other hand, it seeks to import oil from the Kurds. “This is the game that Turkey wants to play. However, it is unclear whether this game will be sustainable. When at a fork in a road, Turkey will side with the Kurds, not with Baghdad,” she explained.

However, another risk is that the KRG would seek full independence because of its energy deal with Turkey and other foreign companies, despite Baghdad's concerns. However, experts believe that Turkey will act on this matter with an understanding of the risks.

Needless to say, oil is at the heart of the dispute between Kurds in the north and the central government in Baghdad. Under the Iraqi Constitution, Kurds are allotted 17 percent of Iraq's total revenue, 95 percent of which is oil-related; but it must turn over oil discovered and drilled in its territory. But, despite Baghdad's concerns, the KRG considers the oil pipeline to Turkey -- which was completed in 2013 -- as a tool for greater independence.

Recent remarks made by KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani garnered great attention, as he signaled that the export of oil is significant for Kurds in gaining independence in the future and that whatever the Baghdad thinks, Kurds are determined to sell this oil.

Barzani said Arbil will start selling its stored oil at the Turkish port of Ceyhan, with or without Baghdad's consent, in the beginning of May. Barzani clearly remarked: “We will sell it. That is our decision.”

In an exclusive interview with Rudaw news outlet, Barzani was asked whether Kurds had prepared themselves to sell oil without Iraq's consent. Barzani replied, “Yes, and we already have paid the price for it.”

president Barzani

Meanwhile, Turkish Energy Minister Taner stated on Wednesday that Turkey is not currently a customer for Kurdish oil but; however, adding that Turkish companies have deals with the KRG and that Kurds could sell the oil to the private sector in Turkey.

For Kurds, oil represents 'hope, but also a bed of nails'

Iraqi Kurds' close economic relations with Ankara would have been unthinkable a few years ago, when Ankara enjoyed strong ties with Iraq's central government in Baghdad and was deep in a decades-long fight with Kurdish terrorists on its own soil.

“Turkey gradually understood that it is in our mutual interest. We negotiated for nearly two years until we reached an agreement and signed a protocol on energy cooperation between Turkey and the KRG. This protocol allows the KRG to export its oil to Turkey and the outside world,” said Barzani.

The pipeline is also likely to take the already warm political and economic relations between Iraqi Kurdistan and neighboring Turkey to new heights. Kurdish officials say they plan to reach a production target of 2 million barrels per day by 2015. If that target is achieved, the Kurdistan region will become a major player on the international energy map. Kurdish oil reserves are estimated at around 45 billion barrels.

When asked about the amount of oil currently being exported to Turkey, Barzani replied that 1.5 million barrels had been sent to Ceyhan, where it is stored in tanks set aside for Kurdistan's oil, but that is still part of Iraqi storage. The KRG's pipeline carries the Kurdish oil to Turkey's Mediterranean export hub of Ceyhan. It initially carries heavy oil from the Tawke field and connects with the 40-inch-wide existing Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline to be exported to world markets.

Regarding relations with Turkey, Barzani said that Arbil recognizes its neighbor's importance. “Turkey, for us, is the gateway to the West,” he said.

According to Dedeoğlu, oil is an important factor considered by the Kurds for their dream of independence; however, it is also dangerous in that it brings Kurds face-to-face with the Baghdad administration. She describes oil for Kurds as: “On one hand, it is a [beacon of] hope, but on the other, it is like a bed of nails.”

When Barzani was asked whether selling oil independently was a step toward Kurdish independence, he replied: “This requires the patience and endurance of the people and political parties of the KRG. If the political parties and people in the KRG are not united and do not have one voice on this issue, we won't be able to succeed. The future of the KRG is tied to this subject.”

Tatar Brothers

Erdogan under pressure over threat to Tatars in Ukraine

Turkey is increasingly caught between a rock and a hard place as the crisis to its north in Ukraine threatens to slide toward civil war, and the actual civil war to its south in Syria moves in a direction it never expected, with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad gradually reconsolidating his position militarily. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s warning in a Bloomberg interview that Ukraine is sliding into civil war has heightened concerns in Ankara.

Turkey, already suffering negative fallout from the Syrian conflict, is bracing itself for the possibility of another, similar conflict near its borders that is bound to have negative political, social and economic consequences. Ankara has been trying to sustain a delicate balance between Moscow and Kiev since the Crimean crisis broke in March, but it is aware that the balance might tip if events in eastern Ukraine get further out of hand and turn into a Yugoslavia-type bloody conflict.

Despite this balancing act, Turkey continues to support Ukraine’s territorial integrity and has refused to recognize the results of the referendum held in Crimea in March that enabled Moscow to wrest control of the peninsula from Kiev. Ankara has similarly refused to recognize the results of the referendum held in eastern Ukraine by separatist Russians on May 11. “The illegal referendum held in the eastern Ukrainian regions of Donetsk and Lugansk on 11 May 2014 and its possible outcomes are null and void and are not recognized by Turkey,” read a statement issued by the Foreign Ministry.

Ankara also continues to express concern over the fate of Crimean Tatars, a Turkic group that has historically had bad relations with Russia and Russians. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan discussed the matter with Vladimir Putin in a phone conversation in April, reportedly telling the Russian president that “Turkey attaches great importance to the Tatars’ well-being and security.”

Their conversation took place days after Crimean Tatar leader Mustafa Abdulcemil Kirimoglu visited Ankara and called on Erdogan to intercede with Putin on behalf of the Tatars. News of this high-level exchange between Ankara and Moscow coincided with Putin telling Russian media that he would sign a decree “for rehabilitation of Crimean Tatar people.” These developments, however, did not prevent Kirimoglu — declared a “national hero” of the Crimean Tatars and presented the Medal of State by Turkish President Abdullah Gul in April — from being banned from entering Crimea.

Concerns in Ankara about the fate of Crimean Tatars mounted when Crimean Prosecutor General Natalia Poklonskaya opened an investigation into the activities of the National Assembly of the Crimean Tatar People, accusing it of “engaging in radical and illegal mass activities” in various parts of the peninsula. The issue remains a sensitive matter between Ankara and Moscow, and there are reports that Tatars have begun to flee the peninsula. Turkish officials are also concerned that if a civil war erupts in Ukraine between nationalists and separatist Russians, it could further endanger the 200,000 Tatars in Crimea.

There are also fears that the Tatars may end up with no place to go but Turkey, leaving the Erdogan government, already burdened with almost a million refugees from Syria, with a new wave of refugees, this time from the north. The government, facing a host of difficulties at home for a number of reasons (the latest involving the mining tragedy in Soma), also has to factor in domestic public reactions and political ramifications if the safety and well-being of the Tatars is seen to be in danger.

This is not the only potential problem Turkey faces in the event of a civil war in Ukraine that many expect will involve Russia directly or indirectly. Turkey is heavily dependent on energy from Russia, importing more than 50 billion cubic meters of natural gas annually, which amounts to a quarter of its total gas requirements and is delivered via a pipeline through Ukraine. Any disruption in the flow of gas will result in a serious energy shortage for Turkey and add to the government’s woes. In light of this, Turkish Energy Minister Taner Yildiz recently warned Moscow, asserting that gas sanctions on Ukraine by Russia will be seen in Ankara as sanctions imposed against Turkey.

“We believe that deep-scaled interstate relations between Turkey and Russia will prevent such a mistake,” Yildiz told reporters during a visit to Tbilisi, Georgia. He also reminded Moscow that sanctions against Ukraine would result in Russia losing some $11 billion in revenue from gas sales to Turkey.

The Turkish straits and the passage of warships by Turkey’s NATO allies is another touchy subject between Turkey and Russia that could flare up in the event of war in Ukraine. Ankara and Moscow recently exchanged barbs after Russia accused Turkey of violating the Montreux Convention on the straits by allowing US battleships to stay in the Black Sea for longer than the time allowed under the convention.

While the Ukraine crisis is fraught with potential risks and threats for Turkey, the Syrian crisis remains an intractable problem for Ankara and presents actual threats. The refugee problem continues to grow, leaving Turkish authorities with few answers. The very real possibility that Assad might prevail adds to the Erdogan government’s other headaches.

An increasing number of analysts are suggesting that the predominantly Sunni refugees who fled Syria for Turkey are unlikely to return to a country run by Assad. There is now talk of “Turkey’s new Syrian minority,” since it is unlikely that the government, even if it wanted to, could force people that it warmly welcomed to go back to their country. It is also clear that Ankara will have to foot the bill of taking care of this new minority until it is integrated into Turkey and able to look after its own needs, which could take years.

The possibility of tensions between locals and the Syrians, as some recent incidents illustrate, cannot be discounted. There is also the risk of radical jihadist elements within this minority using Turkey as a staging area to hit at the Assad regime with terrorism. Ankara has already been criticized for supporting some of these groups. The possibility of retaliatory attacks being staged in Turkey by rival jihadists, not to mention elements close to the Assad regime, also has to be factored into the equation.

Such unsavory prospects were brought home by the May 15 explosion near the Bab al-Salameh border crossing between Turkey and Syria that killed as many as 29 people according to the British-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. In May 2013, a twin car bombing in the Turkish border town of Reyhanli left at least 51 people dead and nearly 150 wounded, a violent reminder of what Turkey could face as a result of the Syrian crisis. The government hastily blamed pro-Assad elements for that attack and arrested a number of people, but the opposition continues to assert it was carried out by Sunni jihadist extremists.

Perhaps the truth about Reyhanli will never be known, but Turks are concerned that similar attacks, especially by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), could take place as the crisis in Syria continues to fester. There is also, of course, the issue of how Ankara will cope politically with an Assad regime that has reconsolidated its power while remaining an enemy of Turkey because of the Erdogan government’s overtly pro-Sunni approach to the crisis.

These are issues that Erdogan will have to face as soon as he can lift his head from tending to domestic politics, which are becoming increasingly tense in the lead-up to the August presidential elections. There is, in short, the distinct possibility, given current developments, that the crises to Turkey’s north and south will grow in the meantime, making the situation even harder for Turkey to manage by the time Erdogan is elected president, as many believe he will be although he has not officially announced his candidacy.

Kurdish Oil

Turkey has become aware that the northern Iraq oil stockpiled in Turkey cannot be sold on the world market without Baghdad's approval and has begun developing appropriate new policies.

Since 2011, when relations with the Maliki government seriously deteriorated, Ankara has been striving for economic integration with the northern Iraq Kurdish administration. Most of the schools, hospitals, hotels, mass housing, roads, bridges and infrastructure in that region have been built by Turkish companies. Most of their food supplies come from Turkey. But that rosy situation began to change when oil and natural gas got into the picture.

When Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) agreed to sell the oil of the region via Turkey’s Ceyhanli [Yumurtalik] port to foreign markets, the United States and Baghdad were disturbed. On Feb. 5, 2013, US Ambassador Francis Ricciardone told journalists in Ankara: “About oil and gas, Turkey should establish relations not with 20% of north Iraq but the remaining 80% of Iraq.”

On a later occasion, Ricciardone expanded on this statement: “We want the Iraqi government to be content with an agreement between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government. It is important for Ankara-Baghdad and Erbil to be in close contact for their common interests in exporting gas and oil.”

These statements were polite warnings in diplomatic language.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki was disturbed by the situation and this led to tensions in Ankara-Baghdad relations. On July 10, 2008, when Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Baghdad, he had signed an important accord with Maliki and a “High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council” was set up between two countries.

This was followed by 36 other agreements signed in 2009. A new era of close cooperation was to begin on transportation, health, foreign trade, construction, agriculture and animal husbandry.

But Turkey-Iraq relations began to sour before any of these projects came to life. Iraq issued an arrest warrant for its Sunni vice president, Tariq al-Hashemi, on allegations he was planning to assassinate Shiite leaders, including Maliki. Hashemi first took refuge in northern Iraq and, at the beginning of 2012, came to Turkey. Maliki asked for his extradition but Turkey refused.

Turkey and Baghdad also went their different ways over Syria. The tension peaked when Maliki declared Turkey an "enemy" and 36 agreements were shelved.

Meanwhile, Turkey significantly improved its relations with the KRG. The administration of KRG President Massoud Barzani designated Turkish companies as the lead in construction activities. Cooperation agreements were signed for oil and natural gas. There was an effort for full economic integration between Turkey and the KRG. This was followed by political integration between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government and Barzani.

According to their agreements, in the first phase 10 billion cubic meters of natural gas is to be transferred to Turkey, of which some will be consumed in Turkey and the rest will be exported to Europe.

Natural gas imports from northern Iraq were scheduled to begin in 2015. But according to information given to Al-Monitor from sources in the Energy Market Regulatory Agency (EPDK), the natural gas transfer was likely to be delayed until 2016 or even 2017.

As for oil, the KRG aims at increasing its daily oil exports to 1 million barrels by 2015 and 2 million barrels by 2020.

The Kirkuk-Yumurtalik (Ceyhan) pipeline with its 70 million-barrel capacity is to play a major role in transporting regional oil to world markets. A new pipeline with a 300,000-barrel capacity constructed by the KRG was linked to the Kirkuk-Yumurtalik pipeline and the oil started moving through it in January of this year.

The storage tanks in Ceyhan are about full, but the oil cannot be sold because, according to the Iraqi Constitution, permission from the Baghdad government is essential. Baghdad meanwhile is threatening potential buyers with imposing an embargo. This threat of the Iraqi government, which has the world's third-highest oil reserves with 143 billion barrels, discourages buyers.

That is why Turkey, which was initially saying, “We can’t ignore the energy resources next door to us,” has been revising its attitude of sidelining the Iraqi government. No wonder that Taner Yildiz, Turkey’s minister of energy, cited Iraq as the owner of the oil in a May 13 statement: “This is Iraq’s oil and Iraq will sell it.”

There are now reports that the KRG and the Iraqi central government are about to overcome the barriers between them. Yildiz, in his latest statement about the issue, said, “The tanks we reserved for northern Iraq are full. There are 2.5 million barrels of oil at Ceyhan. There is no problem for their sales. We are determined to maintain our relations with Baghdad at higher levels than perceived by public opinion. Iraq is important for us and we are important for Iraq. Our relations with Iraq are at excellent levels.”

These remarks clearly point to changes in Turkey’s Iraq policy. After a long period of tension, there are visible signs of desire to revert to the “2009 spirit” in Turkey-Iraq relations.

Mutual visits by the foreign ministers, energy ministers and parliamentary speakers of Turkey and Iraq nourished the hopes that the cooperation would develop. Now there are efforts to realize visits by both prime ministers.

The first goal is to dust off the shelved accords. According to information obtained by Al-Monitor, Turkey’s position on northern Iraq oil is this: Turkey accepts northern Iraq oil as belonging to the entirety of Iraq and thinks there is no legal impediment to Turkey moving it. Turkey has one expectation: to deposit the reimbursement for oil to Turkey’s Halkbank and to share the data about it transparently with Baghdad and Erbil.

While there is a search for customers in the international market for the oil stored at Ceyhan, Turkey’s TUPRAS (Turkish Oil Refineries Corp.) is mentioned. But to avoid being placed on Iraq’s black list, TUPRAS is keeping its distance for the time being.

Journalists and the State

Turkey: 40 journalists in prison

Hatice Duman, Atılım
Imprisoned: April 12, 2003

Duman, former owner and news editor of the socialist weekly Atılım (Leap), was serving a life term at Gebze Women's Closed Prison in Kocaeli on charges of being a member of the banned Marxist Leninist Communist Party, or MLKP, producing propaganda, and "attempting to change the constitutional order by force." Duman was also charged with seizing weapons and forgery of an official document, among other charges, in relation to her association with MLKP, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

CPJ believes the charges are baseless and unsubstantiated after viewing the available court documents, including the indictment.

As evidence of the membership and propaganda charges, authorities cited Duman's attendance at MLKP demonstrations and the testimony of confidential witnesses. Duman's lawyer, Keleş Öztürk, told CPJ that his client was targeted because Atılım had opposed administration policies.

The weapons and forgery charges were mainly pegged to the alleged confession of a witness, Duman's husband, who later said he had been questioned under torture.

Duman was convicted on all charges on May 4, 2011, according to local press reports.

In October 2012, the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld Duman's life sentence. Duman's lawyers appealed to a higher appellate court, Turkey's Constitutional Court, and were awaiting a verdict in late 2013.

Mustafa Gök, Ekmek ve Adalet
Imprisoned: February 19, 2004

Gök, Ankara correspondent for the leftist magazine Ekmek ve Adalet (Bread and Justice), is charged with being a member of the outlawed Revolutionary People's Salvation Party/Front (DHKP/C), according to his defense lawyer, Evrim Deniz Karatana. Gök faced up to 10 years in prison if convicted.

He was being kept at the Ankara F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Karatana told CPJ that the evidence against the journalist consisted of his news coverage and attendance at political demonstrations. She said Gök had been targeted for his reporting on politics and human rights, along with his beliefs as a socialist. Karatana said her client suffers from Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome, which has led to a loss of sight and balance. She said that he was jailed despite having a medical document that says he is severely disabled and ineligible for incarceration.

Gök was also serving a life term on charges of membership in a terrorist organization, forgery, bombing, and murder, all dating back to the early 1990s, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. The life sentence was withdrawn in 2002 when Gök was released on parole for health reasons, Karatana told CPJ. But when Gök was rearrested in 2004 on the DHKP/C membership charges, the life term was reinstated, she said. She said they had appealed the reinstated life term, but the appeal was rejected.

Fusün Erdoğan, Özgür Radyo
Imprisoned: September 8, 2006

Erdoğan, former general manager for the leftist Özgür Radyo (The Free Radio), was being held at Gebze Women's Closed Prison.

Authorities alleged Erdoğan used radio station assets to support the banned Marxist Leninist Communist Party, or MLKP. A full list of the charges against Erdoğan-obtained by CPJ from Turkey's Justice Ministry-include "breaching the Constitution," "forming organizations with the intention of committing crimes," "possessing hazardous substances without permission," "endangering public safety intentionally," "damaging property," and "forgery of official documents," among others.

On November 5, 2013, Erdoğan, along with several other defendants, was found guilty of the charges and sentenced to life in prison by the Tenth Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul, the independent news portal Bianet reported.

Zulfü Erdoğan, the journalist's lawyer and sister, told CPJ that the case against Fusün Erdoğan had been fabricated because the journalist and her news outlet had opposed the administration. She said the main evidence on all charges against her client was a 40-page document that supposedly included the names and personal information of MLKP members. The lawyer questioned the authenticity of the document, saying it was not seized from her client's home or office and that no evidence connected it to her client.

Erdoğan spent more than seven years in prison before a verdict against her was given-an extraordinarily long period that was also the subject of a complaint before the European Court of Human Rights. Zulfü Erdoğan said the journalist suffered from a thyroid disease and needed medical attention.

Erdoğan is appealing the sentence before Turkey's Constitutional Court-the last instance of domestic redress. The appeal was pending in late 2013.

Bayram Namaz, Atılım
Imprisoned: September 8, 2006

Namaz, a columnist for the weekly socialist newspaper Atılım (Leap), was charged with possession of dangerous materials, forgery of official documents, breaching the Constitution, forming organizations with the intention of committing crimes, endangering public safety, making threats, breaking and entering, damaging public property, and others, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

The official indictment, which was obtained by CPJ, did not contain any evidence of the alleged criminal activity.

Atılım is affiliated with the Socialist Party of the Oppressed, or ESP, which is a lawful organization. Gülizar Tuncer, Namaz's lawyer, told CPJ that the state considered the paper and party to be fronts for the illegal Marxist Leninist Communist Party, or MLKP. In an indictment, authorities said Namaz was arrested with others at a house in Aydın's Nazilli district in western Turkey, where the fourth general congress of the MLKP was held. Namaz said he was picked up by police at another location and brought there.

Authorities alleged that Namaz possessed a fake identification and that identification documents belonging to him were found in an MLKP house in Kayseri Province. As evidence against him, authorities also cited a 2005 article about an MLKP conference that was published in a Kurdish-language journal. Tuncer said her client was not the author of the article.

Tuncer said Namaz had been working under constant police surveillance for years, making it impossible for him to lead a secret life as a member of an illegal organization.

On July 12, 2013, the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, ruled that Namaz had been kept in prison for an exorbitant amount of time without a verdict, according to news reports. The court told Turkey to pay compensation of 6,600 euros to Namaz. Turkish authorities complied.

On November 5, 2013, Namaz, along with several other defendants, was found guilty of all charges and sentenced to life in prison by the Tenth Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul, the independent news portal Bianet reported. The journalist was being held at Edirne F Type High Security Closed Prison.

Lawyer Tuncer told CPJ that the defense believed the verdict to be "unlawful."Namaz has appealed his verdict before Turkey's Supreme Court of Appeals. The appeal was pending in late 2013.

Faysal Tunç, Dicle News Agency and Özgür Gündem
Imprisoned: April 5, 2007

Tunç, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency and the daily Özgür Gündem (The Free Agenda), was serving a sentence of six years and three months on charges of producing propaganda for, aiding and abetting intentionally, and being a member of the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK. Tunç was charged and convicted of using the media to perform those activities, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

It was unclear why Tunç was still being held after his sentence should have expired.

After his case was heard, Tunç's lawyers were themselves imprisoned as part of an investigation into the Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the PKK.

In March 2012, Tunç sent a letter to the independent news portal Bianet in which he alleged that authorities had set him up for a false arrest. In April 2007, he said, he offered a woman he believed to be a member of the Democratic Society Party, a legal entity that was the forerunner of today's Peace and Democracy Party, some assistance in finding lodging. Tunç said he did not know the woman and now believed she had acted as an agent of the police. Within days, he said, he was detained on charges of aiding a member of a terrorist group.

In 2011, Tunç was transferred to the Rize Kalkandere L Type Prison in Rize, where he was being held in late 2013, according to a report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

Mustafa Balbay, Cumhuriyet
Imprisoned: March 5, 2009

Balbay, a columnist and former Ankara representative for the leftist-ultranationalist daily Cumhuriyet (The Republic), was detained as part of the government's investigation into the alleged Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities claimed was aimed at overthrowing the government through a military coup.

Balbay was initially detained on July 1, 2008, brought to Istanbul, and questioned about his news coverage and his relations with the military and other Ergenekon suspects. Police searched his house and the Ankara office of Cumhuriyet and confiscated computers and documents, but released him four days later. Balbay was detained a second time in March 2009 and placed at Silivri F Type Prison in Istanbul pending trial. He was moved to solitary confinement in February 2011.

His lawyers filed complaints with the European Court of Human Rights alleging violations of due process. Despite being imprisoned, Balbay was elected a parliamentary deputy on the Republican People's Party ticket in Izmir province in the June 2011 election.

The charges against Balbay included being a member of an armed terrorist organization; attempting to overthrow the government; provoking an armed uprising; unlawfully obtaining, using, and destroying documents concerning government security; and disseminating classified information.

The evidence against Balbay included documents seized from his property and office, the news stories he produced, wiretapped telephone conversations, and secretly recorded meetings with senior military and government officials. Balbay denied the government's accusations and, in columns written from prison and in court hearings, repeatedly said that the seized notes and recorded conversations were related to his journalism.

In its indictment, the government said Balbay had kept detailed records of his meetings with military and political figures. Authorities alleged that Balbay had erased the notes from his computer but technicians were able to retrieve them from the hard drive. The notes-some of which dated back to the period before the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, won power-showed military officials discussing how they could alter Turkish politics. For example, in notes dated April 6, 2003, a general identified as Yaşar asked the columnist: "Tell me, Mr. Balbay, can a coup be staged today with this media structure? It can't. You cannot do something today without the media backing you. You are the only one entreating secularism. The other papers are publishing photographs of women with covered heads every day, almost trying to make it sympathetic."

In public comments, Balbay said he had been keeping the notes for journalistic purposes, including for use in a potential book. He said the government's indictment quoted excerpts out of context and in a way that made him appear guilty. In the indictment, Balbay was quoted as saying that he had erased the files after concluding their use would not be right.

Participants in the conversations included İlhan Selçuk, the now-deceased chief editor of Cumhuriyet and an Ergenekon suspect before his death in June 2010; Generals Şener Eruygur, Aytaç Yalman, and Şenkal Atasagun; and former President Ahmet Necdet Sezer. The indictment identified Selçuk as a leader of Ergenekon and accused Balbay of acting as secretary in organizing meetings and keeping notes under cover of journalism. Military officials considered Cumhuriyet a favorite because they shared the paper's positions on secularism and the Kurdish issue.

The government also said it found classified documents in Balbay's possession, including military reports on neighboring countries and assessments on political Islam in Turkey. Balbay said news sources had provided him with the documents and that he was using them for journalistic purposes.

Two taped conversations at the gendarmerie headquarters-dated December 23, 2003, and January 5, 2004-were also cited as evidence. The government alleged that, among other topics, Balbay and other participants had discussed whether political conditions would allow a coup. Balbay said such discussions were theoretical and constituted no criminal intent.

The government also cited Balbay's news coverage, including a May 2003 story headlined "The Young Officers Are Restless." The phrase had been used previously in Turkish politics and was seen as code for a potential military coup. The story claimed that Hilmi Özkök, then the military's chief of general staff, had warned Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan about perceived anti-military pressure from the ruling AKP. Özkök denounced the story as false at the time. Authorities claimed that Balbay's own notes showed that Atilla Ateş, then the commander of Turkish land forces, had congratulated him for the piece by saying, "You did your duty."

In August 2013, the 13th Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul sentenced Balbay and at least 19 other journalists to varying prison terms in the Ergenekon case, according to news reports. Balbay was given a term of 34 years and eight months for allegedly "attempting to overthrow the Turkish Government or trying to prevent its duty to perform," according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Balbay appealed the verdict before Turkey's Supreme Court of Appeals. The appeal was ongoing in late 2013. He was being held at the Ankara L Type Closed Prison No. 1, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list.

Ahmet Birsin, Gün TV
Imprisoned: April 14, 2009

Birsin, general manager of Gün TV, a regional pro-Kurdish television news station in southeastern Turkey, was charged with "leading an armed terrorist organization by organizing its activities" and "violating the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations," according to information provided to CPJ by Turkey's Justice Ministry in November 2013. Birsin's lawyer, Fuat Coşacak, told CPJ that the charges were retaliatory and without basis.

Authorities publicly claim that the pro-Kurdish media are aligned with the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, and the KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the PKK. The government says the journalists produce propaganda in favor of the banned organizations.

Birsin described his arrest in a May 2009 letter published in the daily Gündem. He said police came to his office on the night of April 13, 2009, searched the building, and confiscated archival material, computer hard drives, laptops, cameras, and other broadcast equipment. Birsin, imprisoned at Diyarbakır D Type High-Security Closed Prison, could face up to 15 years in prison if found guilty.

Birsin's trial was ongoing in late 2013.

Deniz Yıldırım, Aydınlık
Imprisoned: November 8, 2009

Yıldırım was the chief editor of the ultranationalist-leftist Aydınlık (Enlightenment), then a monthly, when police detained him at his house in Istanbul as part of the government's investigation into the alleged Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities believed was aimed at overthrowing the government through a military coup.

He was being held at Silivri L Type Closed Prison No. 1 in Istanbul on initial charges of being a member of a terrorist organization, violating privacy rights, and disclosing state secrets. According to the indictment, Yıldırım received a recording from Ergenekon conspirators and published its contents. The recording purported to include a 2004 phone conversation between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat in which the two discussed the sensitive issue of Cyprus' political status.

As evidence, authorities cited Yıldırım's published work and other recordings allegedly found during a police raid of the Aydınlık offices. Yıldırım said he had no ties to Ergenekon. Mehmet Aytenkin, his lawyer, told CPJ that his client was arrested because Aydınlık was critical of the government.

In August 2013, the 13th Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul convicted at least 20 journalists, including Yıldırım, in the Ergenekon case, and sentenced them to various terms in prison, according to news reports. Yıldırım was sentenced to 16 years and 10 months on charges of "acquiring confidential documents concerning the security of the State," "obtaining and distributing personal data illegally," and "membership of an armed terrorist organization," according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Yıldırım is appealing the verdict before Turkey's Supreme Court of Appeals. The appeal was pending in late 2013.

Seyithan Akyüz, Azadiya Welat
Imprisoned: December 7, 2009

Akyüz, Adana correspondent for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat, was serving a 12-year term at Ceyhan M Type Closed Prison in Adana, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Akyüz was initially charged with aiding the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK. Authorities cited as evidence his possession of banned newspapers and his presence at a May Day demonstration in İzmir. He was later convicted of membership in an armed terrorist organization, the PKK.

Authorities publicly claim that the pro-Kurdish media are aligned with the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, and the KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the PKK. The government says the journalists produce propaganda in favor of the banned organizations.

The trial in Adana made national news when the judge refused to allow Akyüz and other defendants to offer statements in their native Kurdish. A report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe also found that court officials withheld case documents from Akyüz's lawyer for more than a year.

Legal representation for Akyüz and other detained Azadiya Welat journalists changed in 2012. The new defense lawyer, Cemil Sözen, who represented Akyüz on appeal, told CPJ in 2012 that he could not comment because he was not yet familiar with the case. In 2013, the defense was still unable to get full access to Akyüz's case documents.

Kenan Karavil, Radyo Dünya
Imprisoned: December 7, 2009

Karavil, editor-in-chief of the pro-Kurdish radio station Radyo Dünya in the southern province of Adana, served more than three years in prison before being convicted on charges of being a member of the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, and the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK.

In January 2013, the Eighth Court of Serious Crimes in Adana Province sentenced Karavil to 25 years in prison, his lawyer, Vedat Özkan, told CPJ. Özkan said the journalist will appeal the case.

As evidence, authorities cited news programs that Karavil produced, his meetings with members of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party, and his wiretapped telephone conversations with colleagues, listeners, and news sources, Özkan told CPJ. In one phone conversation, the lawyer said, Karavil discussed naming a program "Those Who Imagine the Island." He said the indictment considered this illegal propaganda because it referred to the imprisonment of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, who was being held on İmralı Island.

In a letter to media outlets, Karavil said authorities had questioned him about the station's ownership and the content of its programming. Court officials refused to allow Karavil to give statements in his native Kurdish language, Özkan said.

Karavil was serving his term at the Kırıkkale F Type High Security Closed Prison in Adana, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Erdal Süsem, Eylül Sanat Edebiyat Dergisi
Imprisoned: February 1, 2010

Süsem, editor of the leftist culture magazine Eylül Sanat Edebiyat Dergisi (September Arts Literature Magazine), was being held at Edirne F Type Prison on charges of helping lead the outlawed Maoist Communist Party, or MKP. Authorities alleged that Süsem's magazine produced propaganda for the party. If convicted, he faces up to 15 years in prison.

In a letter published in February 2012 by the independent news portal Bianet, Süsem he had been detained on MKP accusations and charged in February 2010. He said the evidence against him consisted of journalistic material such as books, postcards, and letters, along with accounts of his newsgathering activities such as phone interviews. Süsem made similar statements in a letter to the Justice Ministry that was cited in news accounts.

Süsem had started the magazine during an earlier imprisonment at Tekirdağ F Type Prison. The magazine featured poems, literature, and opinion pieces from imprisoned socialist intellectuals. After producing the initial four editions by photocopy from prison, Süsem transformed the journal into a standard print publication after his 2007 release from prison, circulating another 16 issues.

Süsem's earlier imprisonment stemmed from March 2000 allegations that he stole a police officer's handgun that was later used in a murder. Süsem pleaded innocent to the gun theft and murder charges. The gun possession and related serious charges against Süsem were twice rejected by Turkey's Supreme Court, which ruled-in 2005 and 2007-that there was no sufficient evidence to link Süsem to those alleged crimes.

However, without new evidence, and after Süsem was imprisoned in 2010 on the propaganda charges, the Supreme Court reversed its initial stance and convicted him in 2011 on the previous gun theft, murder, and other charges. The court also reinstated a life sentence.

The court proceedings that led to his conviction were marked by a number of inconsistencies. For example, in his Bianet letter, Süsem wrote that the police officer, whose stolen gun was later used in a number of crimes, testified that he was not the person who had stolen it. Witness descriptions of the suspect did not match the journalist, Süsem's wife told CPJ.

It is unclear if Süsem is appealing the life sentence. The trial on the MKP leadership charges was ongoing in late 2013.

Yalçın Küçük, Odatv and Aydınlık
Imprisoned: March 7, 2011

Several members of the ultranationalist-leftist news website Odatv, including Küçük, were arrested in February and March 2011 on charges of having ties to the alleged Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities claimed was aimed at overthrowing the government through a military coup. Authorities charged all of the staffers with propagandizing on behalf of Ergenekon and lodged additional charges against some.

Odatv features news and commentary that promotes an ultranationalist agenda from a Kemalist perspective and is harshly critical of its perceived opponents. The targets of its attacks include the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Fethullah Gülen religious community, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and liberals. Much of Odatv's critical commentary involves highly personal attacks.

Küçük, an opinion writer for the site and for the daily Aydınlık, was accused of being a leader of the Ergenekon organization, inciting hatred, violating privacy rights, and disclosing classified military and intelligence documents. In court, Küçük said the charges were without basis.

As evidence, authorities cited wiretapped phone conversations between Odatv staffers in which coverage was discussed.

Authorities also cited as evidence a series of digital documents purportedly found on Odatv computers during a police raid on the news outlet. The authenticity of the documents has been challenged by the defense. A team from the Middle East Technical University in Ankara, which examined the evidence at the request of the defense, found that the computers contained Trojan files that left the machines vulnerable to outside manipulation. The team also found that the documents themselves were altered on the day of the police raid, further raising the possibility that the files could have been planted or manipulated.

Authorities said the documents included an Ergenekon media strategy memo, an ultranationalist text describing the AKP as dangerous, and directions on covering the PKK, AKP, army generals, and the Ergenekon investigation.

Authorities also cited two documents claiming that the well-known investigative reporter Nedim Şener, who received CPJ's International Press Freedom Award in 2013, had helped a former regional police chief, Hanefi Avci, write a 2010 book alleging that the Gülen movement had infiltrated the police force. Another document claimed Şener was also helping investigative reporter Ahmet Şık write a book about the Gülen movement. Authorities used those documents to link Şener and Şık to the Ergenekon plot. The two were jailed for more than 12 months before being freed pending trial; they continued to face anti-state charges related to the plot.

In August 2013, the 13th Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul convicted at least 20 journalists, including Küçük, in the Ergenekon case, according to news reports. The journalists were handed different prison terms. Küçük was sentenced to 22 ½ years on charges of "founding or leading an armed terrorist organization," which is what Ergenekon is considered, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Küçük was appealing the verdict before Turkey's Supreme Court of Appeals. The appeal was ongoing in late 2013.

Küçük was serving his term at the Silivri L Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Istanbul, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list.

Turhan Özlü, Ulusal Kanal
Imprisoned: August 21, 2011

Özlü, chief editor for the ultranationalist-leftist television station Ulusal Kanal (National Channel), was being held at Silivri L Type Closed Prison No. 1 in Istanbul on charges of participating in the Ergenekon conspiracy, a shadowy plot that prosecutors said was aimed at overthrowing the administration.

According to the government's indictment, the channel aired an audio recording made by Ergenekon conspirators. The recording purported to include a 2004 phone conversation between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat in which the two discussed the sensitive issue of Cyprus' political status.

The indictment identified Ulusal Kanal as a media arm of Ergenekon. In August 2013, the 13th Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul convicted Özlü of being a member of a terrorist organization, which is what Ergenekon is considered, and sentenced him to nine years in prison.

Özlü was appealing the verdict before Turkey's Supreme Court of Appeals. The appeal was ongoing in late 2013.

Tayip Temel, Azadiya Welat
Imprisoned: October 3, 2011

Temel, former editor-in-chief and columnist for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat, was being held at Diyarbakır D Type High-Security Closed Prison on charges of being a member of the Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. He faces more than 22 years in prison if convicted, according to a report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

In a January 2012 letter to the independent news portal Bianet, Temel said he was being targeted for his journalistic activities. As evidence, the government cited wiretapped telephone conversations he had with colleagues and with members of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) and Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), Temel said. He said the government had wrongly described his work-related travels to Iraq as related to attendance at PKK meetings.

"My articles, correspondences, headline discussions, and requests for news and visuals from reporters were defined as 'orders' and 'organizational activity' and I am accused of organization leadership," Temel wrote, describing the government's indictment.

Another chief editor of Azadiya Welat-Mehmet Emin Yıldırım-was also imprisoned on similar charges.

Temel's trial was ongoing in Diyarbakır, southeastern Turkey, in late 2013. He had not testified in court by late year, his lawyer, Cemil Sözen, told CPJ.

Hasan Özgüneş, Azadiya Welat
Imprisoned: October 28, 2011

Özgüneş, a veteran journalist and a columnist for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat, was being held at Silivri L Type High Security Closed Prison No. 2 in Istanbul, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

According to the same list, Özgüneş is charged with membership in the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part; attempting to change the constitutional order by force; and making propaganda for the same banned organization.

Özgüneş has written columns for Azadiya Welat on political, social, cultural, and economic issues since 2007 after writing for Kurdish magazines such as Tiroj and Zend since 1993. He is also a member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP.

Authorities publicly claim that the pro-Kurdish media are aligned with the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, and the KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the PKK. The government says the journalists produce propaganda in favor of the banned organizations.

Authorities would not allow Özgüneş to give statements in his native Kurdish, news accounts said. During questioning, authorities sought information about Özgüneş' lectures at a BDP political academy, his conversations with the pro-PKK satellite station Roj TV, and his presence at a political demonstration, according to the indictment.

Özgüneş'trial was ongoing in late 2013.

Abdullah Çetin, Dicle News Agency
Imprisoned: December 16, 2011

Abdullah Çetin, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency, or DİHA, in the southeastern province of Siirt, was being held at Siirt E Type Closed Prison, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. According to the list, Çetin is charged with membership in an armed terrorist organization, the Kurdistan Workers Party or PKK.

Authorities publicly claim that the pro-Kurdish media are aligned with the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, and the KCK, an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the PKK. The government says the journalists produce propaganda in favor of the banned organizations.

The government's indictment cited Çetin's professional phone conversations as evidence, the Bianet independent news portal said. If convicted, he faces up to 15 years in prison, according to a report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

The trial was ongoing in late 2013.

Dilek Demiral, Özgür Gündem
Nevin Erdemir,Özgür Gündem
Nurettin Fırat, Özgür Gündem
Yüksel Genç, Özgür Gündem
Sibel Güler, Özgür Gündem
Turabi Kişin, Özgür Gündem
Imprisoned: December 20, 2011

At least six editors and writers associated with the daily Özgür Gündem (The Free Agenda) were in prison on December 1, 2013, when CPJ conducted its annual prison census. They were arrested as part of a massive government roundup of journalists associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets in December 2011. Authorities said the sweep was related to their investigation into the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. According to the indictment, all of the main pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey are directed by the KCK.

Kişin, Özgür Gündem editor, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. Kişin is charged with being a leader of the KCK press committee and taking orders from the imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. As evidence, authorities cited three pro-Kurdish newspaper stories, one written by Kişin and two in which he was the subject. The prosecution also cited wiretapped telephone conversations in which Kişin spoke to people who wanted him to run obituaries for PKK members-Kişin declined because of legal constraints-and contributors seeking to publish articles in his newspaper. Kişin said his newspaper was a dissident publication but did not take orders from the KCK.

Genç, a columnist, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on charges of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Authorities, citing statements from other suspects, alleged that Genç was a "high-level" member of the KCK press committee and had participated in committee meetings in northern Iraq. Authorities also cited as evidence Genç's notes about ethnic conflicts in Spain, South Africa, and Bolivia, along with her phone conversations with other journalists. Genç's request that a writer do a piece about a World Peace Day demonstration in Turkey, for example, was considered by authorities to be an order serving the PKK. Genç said she did not participate in the KCK press committee and that her communications with other journalists were professional in nature.

Erdemir, a reporter and editor, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on charges of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records and the statements of confidential witnesses, the government alleged that Erdemir participated in a KCK press committee meeting in Iraq in 2009. The indictment also cited as evidence her participation in a press conference in which Özgür Gündem editors protested police operations against Kurdish journalists, and an interview she conducted with a leader of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). Erdemir disputed the charges.

Demiral, a former editor, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on the charge of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK. Citing passport records and the statement of a detained PKK member, authorities said Demiral participated in a 2005 KCK press meeting in Iraq. Authorities also cited the seizure of digital copies of banned books and a speech Demiral gave at a memorial ceremony that cast a deceased PKK member in a favorable light. Demiral denied any ties to the KCK and said she had traveled for journalistic purposes.

Güler, a former editor, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on the charge of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records and documents seized from an accused KCK member, the government alleged that Güler participated in the organization's press committee meetings in Iraq in 2003 and 2005, and had met with KCK leader Murat Karayılan. Güler told authorities she did not participate in any KCK meetings.

Fırat, an editor and columnist for the paper, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Kocaeli province on the charge of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records, organization records, and the accounts of confidential witnesses, authorities alleged he participated in committee meetings in Iraq in 2003, 2005, and 2007. Authorities, who tapped Fırat's phone conversations, said the journalist printed an article by KCK leader Karayılan, applying a penname that he had devised in conspiracy with another journalist. Fırat said his travel was for journalistic purposes and that he did not participate in KCK activities.

In most cases, the journalists faced up to 15 years in prison if convicted. Their trial was ongoing at Istanbul's Fifteenth Court of Serious Crimes at Silivri Prison in late 2013.

Semiha Alankuş, Dicle News Agency
Ertuş Bozkurt, Dicle News Agency
Kenan Kırkaya, Dicle News Agency
Ayşe Oyman, Dicle News Agency
Mazlum Özdemir, Dicle News Agency
Ramazan Pekgöz, Dicle News Agency
Nilgün Yıldız, Dicle News Agency
Imprisoned: December 20, 2011

At least seven editors and reporters with the Dicle News Agency, or DİHA, who were arrested as part of a massive roundup of journalists associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets in December 2011, remained in prison on December 1, 2013, when CPJ conducted its global prison census. Authorities said the sweep was related to their investigation into the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. According to the indictment, all of the main pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey are directed by the KCK.

Alankuş, a translator and editor, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on charges of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. Authorities alleged that Alankuş participated in a meeting of the KCK press committee in northern Iraq in September 2009, and used her position as a DİHA editor to broadcast directions from the PKK. Possession of banned magazines and books was also cited as evidence. Alankuş said she did not participate in the press committee meeting.

Kırkaya, DİHA's Ankara representative, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Kocaeli province on charges of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, and attempting to change the constitutional order by force, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Authorities cited the statements of two confidential witnesses as evidence. The government also cited as evidence news reports by Kırkaya, including pieces about PKK militia allegedly killed by chemical weapons, articles addressing the Kurdish issue, and stories critical of the government. Calling Kırkaya a "so-called journalist" who worked under orders from convicted PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, the indictment alleged that his reporting had furthered the aims of the KCK and had sought to manipulate public opinion. Kırkaya told authorities he had no connection to the KCK.

Pekgöz, an editor, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 2 on the charge of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records and the statements of confidential witnesses, the government alleged that he participated in two KCK committee meetings in Iraq and that he met with KCK leader Murat Karayılan. Pekgöz said he met with Karayılan for journalistic purposes and denied the government's allegations. Authorities, who tapped Pekgöz's phone conversations, accused the editor of following KCK directives and relaying the organization's orders to other journalists. The indictment said Pekgöz directed a pro-KCK agenda when he served as news editor for Günlük, the daily now known as Özgür Gündem. The indictment cited as evidence a phone conversation between Pekgöz and columnist Veysi Sarısözen concerning potential column topics, and Pekgöz's efforts to recruit a writer to discuss the potential unification of socialist and leftist parties. The indictment said convicted PKK leader Öcalan supported the unification of the parties.

Oyman, a reporter, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison on the charge of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Among the cited evidence were phone conversations with reporters in the field, banned books and magazines, and the news stories that she produced for DİHA. The indictment labeled her reporting as propaganda aimed at causing "disaffection for the state and sympathy for the organization." Citing passport records and the accounts of two confidential witnesses, authorities also alleged that she participated in a KCK press committee meeting in Iraq in 2003 and had contact with İsmet Kayhan, a Fırat News Agency editor wanted by the government on charges of leading the KCK's press committee in Europe. Oyman, who also worked as a reporter for Özgür Gündem, disputed the allegations.

Bozkurt, an editor in DİHA's Diyarbakır office, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 on the charge of leading an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. As evidence, the indictment cited phone conversations in which Bozkurt relayed information to Roj TV. Authorities described Bozkurt's reports as "false," provocative, and designed to further the KCK's aims. The indictment also faulted Bozkurt for ensuring news coverage of pro-Kurdish demonstrations, and for providing German ZDF TV with video of a PKK fighter's funeral and army movements in southeast Turkey. Citing passport records and the account of a confidential witness, authorities alleged that Bozkurt took part in a KCK press committee meeting in Iraq in 2007 and had contact with Fırat's Kayhan. Authorities said they seized banned books by convicted PKK leader Öcalan, along with photographs of PKK guerrillas and Turkish military intelligence. Bozkurt told prosecutors that his activities were journalistic and that he had no ties to the KCK.

Nilgün Yıldız, a reporter, was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison on the charge of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records and the account of a confidential witness, authorities alleged that Yıldız participated in KCK press committee meetings in Iraq. Authorities also cited her news coverage as evidence. The indictment pointed to a story that recounted a Kurdish youth setting himself on fire to protest Öcalan's imprisonment, which authorities called propaganda, and a piece that referred to a memorial service for a PKK member, which authorities said constituted a call for organization members to gather. Photographs of a PKK member's funeral on her confiscated flash drive were also cited as evidence. Yıldız denied any wrongdoing.

Özdemir, a reporter, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 on the charge of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records, email traffic, and the accounts of confidential witnesses, authorities alleged that Özdemir attended KCK committee meetings in Iraq, had contact with the Fırat editor Kayhan, and produced journalism that cast the group in a favorable light. Authorities said they intercepted encrypted electronic messages showing that Özdemir handled financial transfers for the KCK. Authorities also cited Özdemir's news stories as evidence of culpability. Özdemir told authorities that his email messages involved news reporting and personal matters. Authorities confiscated books, CDs, a hard drive, cellphone, and a hunting rifle. Defense lawyer Özcan Kılıç told CPJ that the weapon was an antique handed down by his client's grandfather; Özdemir was not charged with a weapons violation.

In most cases, the journalists faced up to 15 years in prison if convicted. Their trial was ongoing in late 2013.

Hüseyin Deniz, Evrensel
Nahide Ermiş, Özgür Halk ve Demokratik Modernite
Imprisoned: December 20, 2011

Deniz and Ermişwere in jail on December 1, 2013, when CPJ conducted its global prison census. They were arrested as part of a massive government roundup on December 2011 of journalists associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets. Authorities said the sweep was related to their investigation into the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. According to the indictment, all of the main pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey are directed by the KCK.

Deniz, a reporter for the socialist daily Evrensel, was being held at Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Kocaeli province on charges of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK; attempting to change the constitutional order by force; and producing propaganda in favor of the same organization, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. Citing passport records, authorities alleged that Deniz had participated in KCK press committee meetings in Iraq in 2003, 2005, and 2009, and had met with KCK leader Murat Karayılan. The indictment said authorities had seized news reports, documents, and banned books from Deniz that allegedly linked him to the group. The indictment described one of the documents as a "report of the publishing board" of the daily Özgür Gündem, an internal document that authorities said had cast Öcalan in a favorable light and had described efforts to further the aims of his organization. Deniz, who had once worked for the pro-Kurdish Özgür Gündem, denied participating in KCK meetings and said his travel was for journalistic purposes.

Ermiş, a member of the editorial board of the political bimonthly Özgür Halk ve Demokratik Modernite (Democratic Modernity), was being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul on charges of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the KCK; and producing propaganda in favor of the same organization, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. Citing passport records, the indictment said Ermiş participated in a 2009 KCK press committee meeting. The government also said it had seized notes from her property that cast Öcalan and other PKK members in a favorable light. The indictment considered those notes as being taken during organizational training. Ermiş disputed the charges.

The journalists face up to 15 years in prison if convicted. Their trial was ongoing at Istanbul's Fifteenth Court of Serious Crimes at Silivri Prison in late 2013.

Mehmet Emin Yıldırım, Azadiya Welat
Imprisoned: December 21, 2011

A court in Diyarbakır ordered Yıldırım, editor-in-chief of the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat, to be held as part of an investigation into the Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. Authorities alleged that the KCK directs all of the main pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey.

Yıldırım was being held in Kocaeli F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Kocaeli province on charges of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, the PKK, and producing propaganda in favor of that organization, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

As evidence, authorities cited conversations in which Yıldırım relayed information to the pro-PKK satellite station Roj TV. The indictment also faulted Yildirim's news coverage for being critical of police operations against the KCK, insulting the government, and provoking Kurds to oppose the state. Authorities claimed notes and email traffic showed that Yıldırım executed orders from the KCK. For example, a list of toiletries and other items-shaving blades, a tube of toothpaste, a toothbrush, a digital radio, and batteries-was cited as evidence that Yıldırim was providing supplies to the PKK.

Authorities would not allow Yıldırım to give a statement in his native Kurdish, which his defense lawyer, Özcan Kılıç, said was a violation of a defendant's rights but one common in political cases. "They bring in a translator for cases such as narcotics trafficking, but they do not for these cases," he said.

Another chief editor of Azadiya Welat-Tayip Temel-was also imprisoned on similar charges. Yıldırım's trial was ongoing at Istanbul's Fifteenth Court of Serious Crimes at Silivri Prison in late 2013.

Şükrü Sak, Baran
Imprisoned: April 20, 2012

Sak, a veteran opinion writer and former chief editor for the Islamist weekly Baran, was summoned to serve a term of three years and nine months in prison after the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld in 2012 a conviction that dated back to 1999.

Sak was convicted of being a member of the outlawed İslami Büyük Doğu Akıncılar Cephesi, or İslamic Great East Raiders Front; staging a protest; and possessing organizational documents, among other charges, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Sak's defense lawyer, Güven Yılmaz, told CPJ that authorities cited as evidence Sak's handwritten notes and the content of Akıncı Yol, the magazine he was editing at the time.

Sak, the ministry said, was being kept at the Bolu F Type High Security Closed Prison in the city of Bolu.

Yeliz Kılıç,Yürüyüş
Imprisoned: January 18, 2013

Police detained Kılıç, reporter for the biweekly Yürüyüş (March), as part of a large crackdown by authorities on the outlawed Revolutionary People's Salvation Party/Front (DHKP/C), of which she was accused of being a member. She denied the charges, which carry up to 10 years in prison.

Her lawyer, Evrim Deniz Karatana, said the charges against her were based on secret witness testimonies as the sole evidence. Kılıç was targeted because she was an employee of a publication that opposes the government, Karatana said. Yürüyüş is a socialist revolutionary publication that focuses on politics, workers' rights, and global politics. The publication uses harsh language in reference to the ruling AKP.

Kılıç was under investigation and being held at Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. No trial date had been set in late 2013.

Fatih Özgür Aydın, Artı İvme
Veysel Şahin, Tavır
Imprisoned: January 21, 2013

Gamze Keşkek, Tavır
Imprisoned: January 22, 2013

Aydın, Şahin, and Keşkek were arrested as part of a large crackdown by the Turkish police against the outlawed Revolutionary People's Salvation Party/Front (DHKP/C) in Istanbul. All of them were charged with being members of an armed terrorist organization-the DHKP/C-and producing propaganda in favor of the same organization, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

Aydın, news editor of the quarterly Artı İvme (Positive Acceleration), was being held at Edirne F Type High Security Closed Prison in Edirne province; Şahin, an editor for the bimonthly Tavır (Attitude), was being held at Tekirdağ F Type High Security Closed Prison No. 1 in Tekirdağ province; and Keşkek, who co-edits Tavır along with Şahin, was being held at the Bakırköy Women's Closed Prison in Istanbul, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list.

Their lawyer, Evrim Deniz Karatana, said the journalists had denied any ties to the DHKP/C. She said they were targeted because "they work for publications that oppose the government." Artı İvme and Tavır are pro-socialist publications that are often highly critical of the government. Karatana said that the prosecution considered the publications the journalists work for as being under the supervision and orders of the DHKP/C-accusations that the journalists deny.

Karatana also told CPJ that fabricated evidence in the form of false testimonies by undisclosed witnesses was the main basis of the charges against her clients. She said the journalists were beaten by the police during their detention.

The journalists' trial was ongoing at the 6th Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul in late 2013. If convicted, Aydın, Şahin, and Keşkek face up to 15 years in prison.

Kaan Ünsal, Yürüyüş
Imprisoned: March 14, 2013

Ünsal, reporter for the biweekly Yürüyüş (March), was detained as part of a large, official crackdown against the outlawed Revolutionary People's Salvation Party/Front (DHKP/C). Ünsal was accused of being a member of the organization. The journalist denied the accusations.

Ünsal was being held at Edirne F Type High Security Closed Prison in Edirne province, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. Evrim Deniz Karatana, Ünsal's lawyer, told CPJ that authorities had not filed official charges against Ünsal in late 2013, and no court date had been scheduled. If charged with being a member of the DHKP/C, he could face up to 10 years in prison.

Karatana said the evidence against Ünsal was based on secret witness testimony and his presence at opposition gatherings, which he was covering as a journalist. Karatana said the accusations were in retaliation for Yürüyüş' criticism of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP)-run government. Yürüyüş is a socialist revolutionary publication that focuses on politics, workers' rights, and global politics. The publication uses harsh language in reference to the ruling AKP.

Ünsal had been detained by the police several times before on similar accusations of belonging to a banned organization.

Karatana said that Ünsal was beaten by the police during his detention.

Cüneyt Hacıoğlu, Dicle News Agency
Imprisoned: September 2, 2013

Hacıoğlu, reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency (DİHA), was arrested in Uludere District of Şırnak province. He was accused of being a member of the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part.

Hacıoğlu was also accused of possessing of illegal firearms and bullets, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request. Hacıoğlu's lawyer, Tırşenk Bartan told CPJ that the weapons accusation stemmed from the presence in the journalist's family home of an old rifle, which belonged to his father. The journalist has denied any wrongdoing.

Bartan told CPJ that Hacıoğlu was questioned about his phone conversations with sources, his reporting notes, and videos he had taken for newsgathering activities. DİHA, which is known as a pro-Kurdish news agency, often covers human rights issues, including those of the Kurdish minority.

Bartan also said that Hacıoğlu was detained with several canned goods in his car, which authorities said was a form of logistic support to the Kurdish rebels. Bartan said that the journalist was taking the goods to a festival and had no ties to an outlawed organization.

Hacıoğlu was being held in Mardin E Type Closed Prison. No formal charges had been filed against him in late 2013, a common practice in Turkey, for which it has often been criticized by international partners including the Council of Europe, of which it is a member.

No trial date had been scheduled in late 2013.

Merdan Yanardağ, Yurt and Bağımsız
Imprisoned: September 13, 2013

An arrest order was issued for Yanardağ, chief editor of the pro-Republican People's Party (CHP) daily Yurt and the weekly Bağımsız, after the Thirteenth Court of Serious Crimes in Istanbul sentenced him in absentia on August 5, 2013, to 10 years and six months in prison on charges of being a member of an armed terrorist organization, which is what Ergenekon is considered, according to an updated list of imprisoned journalists provided by the Justice Ministry in November 2013 at CPJ's request.

The alleged Ergenekon plot is a shadowy conspiracy that authorities claimed was aimed at overthrowing the government through a military coup.

Yanardağ was detained by police in Bodrum District of Muğla Province on September 13, 2013, a month after his sentence was pronounced.

When the Ergenekon investigation began, Yanardağ was a managing director at Kanal Biz, a television channel owned by Tuncay Özkan, a journalist and media manager sentenced to life without the possibility of parole in the Ergenekon case.

Some of the accusations against Yanardağ refer to his work as a news manager at Kanal Biz, which according to authorities was a propaganda tool of Ergenekon. Among the activities cited as evidence in the indictment are Yanardağ's booking of guests for television shows, managing the station's programming schedule, organizing the order of appearance of studio guests, and working on programming scripts, according to CPJ's review of the indictment.

Yurt and Bağımsız share a pro-opposition editorial slant. Yurt, a daily newspaper, publishes hard news, while Bağımsız is a newsmagazine that focuses on analysis and commentary.

Yanardağ's lawyer, Serkan Gürel, told CPJ, "From the point of view of the court, his one truly negative action was to publish Yurt newspaper and Bağımsız magazine while the lawsuit against him was going."

Yanardağ is being held at Muğla E Type Closed Prison No. 1, according to the Justice Ministry's updated list. His lawyers filed an appeal, but the appellate court had not ruled on the case in late 2013.

Turkey always #1

Quick: What country jails the most journalists?

If you guessed China, you were close, but no cigar. Twenty-seven reporters are in prison there, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists in New York. If you guessed Iran, you’re getting warmer—forty-two in prison there—but you’re still off.

How many of you guessed Turkey?

Measuring strictly in terms of imprisonments, Turkey—a longtime American ally, member of NATO, and showcase Muslim democracy—appears to be the most repressive country in the world.

According to the Journalists Union of Turkey, ninety-four reporters are currently imprisoned for doing their jobs. More than half are members of the Kurdish minority, which has been seeking greater freedoms since the Turkish republic was founded, in 1923. Many counts of arrested journalists go higher; the Friends of Ahmet Sik and Nedim Sener, a group of reporters named for two imprisoned colleagues, has compiled a detailed list of a hundred and four journalists currently in prison there.

The arrests have created an extraordinary climate of fear among journalists in Turkey, or, for that matter, for anyone contemplating criticizing Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government. During my recent visit there, many Turkish reporters told me that their editors have told them not to criticize Erdogan. As I detail in my piece in the magazine this week, the arrests of journalists are part of a larger campaign by Erdogan to crush domestic opposition to his rule. Since 2007, more than seven hundred people have been arrested, including members of parliament, army officers, university rectors, the heads of aid organizations, and the owners of television networks.

Mind you, Turkey is a democracy, or at least, it’s supposed to be. Erdogan’s triumph, and that of his party, in 2002, represented an epochal shift in Turkey’s political history. The election threw out an entrenched secular minority that had governed the country since its founding, often suppressing the majority of moderately religious Turks. In his nine years in power, Erdogan has transformed Turkish society in many positive ways. But, more and more, Erdogan’s Turkey is coming to resembled Putin’s Russia—a kind of one-party democracy.

If you bring this up with Turkish authorities, you won’t get very far. When I raised the issue of domestic repression with Ahmet Davutoglu, the Turkish foreign minister, last month, he told me in an irritated voice that his government wasn’t responsible. Ibrahim Kalin, an Erdogan adviser, told me that most of the arrested journalists were not journalists at all, but terrorists or criminals. “Just because you have a press card doesn’t mean you’re a journalist,” Kalin said.

In December, Joel Simon, executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, wrote to Erdogan to ask to him to stop citing C.P.J.’s annual report as evidence of press freedom in Turkey, which Simon called “perverse.” The report, compiled last year, confirmed that eight journalists were in jail in Turkey because of their work. (No number to be proud of, to be sure; as Simon pointed out to Erdogan, it put Turkey “just behind Burma.”) But Simon has since said that the report was incomplete, and hampered by, among other things, the extreme difficulty of verifying arrests in Turkey, and that eight was a starting point, a “minimum.” In recent weeks, Simon has sent a team to Turkey to review more than a hundred cases to determine the real number of journalists in prison. He told me he expects the number to climb significantly, probably closer to the figure of ninety-four released by the Journalists Union of Turkey. In late December, for instance, Simon sent a letter to Erdogan condemning the arrests of some thirty journalists in raids around the country. (Most of those reporters are still in prison, he said.)

“It’s incredibly cynical of Erdogan to cite C.P.J. as proof of press freedom,” Simon said. “Turkey is a highly repressive country.”

Remember, too, that when you start arresting journalists, the freedom for those not in jail shrinks, too. One of the journalists I interviewed while I was in Turkey was Nuray Mert, a brave and outspoken columnist for Milliyet, a daily newspaper. Last year, after Erdogan publicly criticized Mert, her public-affairs television show was cancelled. Two weeks ago, she told me that her editors at Milliyet had fired her.

North Korea > Turkey

Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu recently said “We are not North Korea” while reacting angrily to U.S. think tank Freedom House’s latest report, which puts Turkey in the same class as that country in terms of press freedom.

Even though it is near the bottom of Freedom House’s list, Turkey is better than North Korea in this respect, of course. There is one area, however, where North Korea seems better than Turkey, even though it is run by a dictator whose mental faculties are questionable.

The government of “Supreme Leader” Kim Jong-un at least felt the need to apologize for the collapse of a 23 story building in North Korean capital Pyongyang last week, killing we don’t know how many people.

In similar fashion, the president of democratic South Korea, Park Geun-Hye, apologized once again a few days ago for the Sewol ferry disaster, which left a large number of people dead. She also took personal responsibility for her government’s handling of the incident.

It seems that these are things we will never see in this country, where the gut reaction of the government is to try and protect itself first in major disasters, let alone apologize for any negligence or take on any responsibility.

This is what Prime Minister Erdogan did during his press conference when he went to Soma shortly after the disaster, which left over 300 dead miners in its wake. For him there was no official negligence and one of Turkey’s words disasters was merely “an act of fate.”

His second reaction was to support those who may be criminally responsible, arguing instead about how this mine had been inspected and given a clean bill recently, rather than trying to assure an outraged public that those responsible would be brought to justice. He also slandered the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP), whose deputy for the region tried not so long ago to have a parliamentary inquiry into conditions in the Soma mine after repeated reports that things were well there.

Erdoğan claimed that the CHP was only trying to discredit his Justice and Development Party (AKP) and argued – totally falsely as it turns out - that the CHP deputy in question had not mentioned Soma once in his address to Parliament after bringing the topic up.

Neither does Erdoğan appear to be perturbed by the contradiction involved in his government’s asking for a parliamentary inquiry into this disaster now, disregarding the fact that if the CHP’s request had been met this disaster might have been averted.

One can’t help wonder how he has the courage to commit himself to positions that leave him looking bad in the end. In addition to this, we now have an Erdoğan who chases demonstrators booing his government, and slaps them after cornering them in a supermarket with his bodyguards.

So it is no surprise that his chief advisor should take his cue from his boss and repeatedly kick another demonstrator held down by two paramilitary policemen. As if this was not bad enough, we also have a government spokesman who tries to present all of this as normal, who blames demonstrators for creating chaos, and who also accuses the media of exaggerations that harm Turkey’s reputation abroad.

Where does the courage for this “chutzpah” come from?  It comes from the 43 percent garnered in the ballot box in the last local elections, and the arrogant assumption that Erdoğan be elected Turkey’s next president, come what may.

Is the fact that the AKP wins elections with comfortable majorities, however, an indication that it is democratic, and therefore sensitive towards the public’s democratic needs? Not by a long shot. That is why people are taking to the streets.

If you disregard the pluralistic aspect of democracy and use ballot box successes to impose majoritarian rule on a diverse society, then those whose democratic rights have been hijacked will take to the streets to express their anger. It is as simple as that, and this seems set to continue in Turkey as the government turns the country into a quasi police state in the name of “democracy.”